Bismarck Someways Up the Cursus Honorum
Otto von Bismarck's Memoirs Continued
E-F: Bismarck’s account details the challenges of forming a stable government and maintaining order amid civil unrest during the revolutionary days of 1848.
The Beginning of an End
The unfolding situation presented no opportunity to leverage the Berlin assembly for the German cause; indeed, its excesses grew. Consequently, the idea ripened to relocate the assembly to another venue, removing its members from intimidation, and potentially even dissolving it. This, however, intensified the difficulty of forming a ministry willing to implement such a measure. Even since the assembly's opening, it had proven challenging for the King to find ministers at all, particularly those who would readily align with his often-shifting views and whose fearless resolve would simultaneously guarantee they would not falter at a crucial juncture.¹
Several unsuccessful attempts from that spring come to mind. When I sounded out Georg von Vincke, he responded that he was a "man of the red earth"²—suited to criticism and opposition, not a ministerial role. Beckerath³ would only undertake forming a ministry if the extreme right unconditionally submitted to him and secured the King's favour. Men of influence within the National Assembly were unwilling to jeopardise their prospects of becoming, and remaining, constitutional majority ministers once order was restored. Among others, I encountered a view from Harkort⁴, who was considered for the role of Minister of Commerce, suggesting that order must first be established by a specialised ministry of civil servants and military personnel before constitutionally loyal ministers could take over; the constitutionally loyal ministers would be ready later.
Overcoming Ministerial Reluctance
The reluctance to become a minister was heightened by the perception of personal danger, as instances of physical mistreatment of conservative deputies on the streets had already demonstrated. Given the habits adopted by the street population and the influence wielded over them by extreme left deputies, one had to anticipate greater excesses if the government attempted to resist democratic pressure and steer a firmer course.
When Count Brandenburg⁵, undeterred by such concerns, agreed to take on the presidency, the challenge became securing suitable and agreeable colleagues for him. My name appeared on a list presented to the King; as General Gerlach⁶ told me, the King had scribbled in the margin: "Only to be used if the bayonet reigns without limits."⁷ Count Brandenburg himself told me in Potsdam: "I have taken on this task, but I have barely read the newspapers, I am unfamiliar with constitutional law, and I can do nothing more than risk my neck. I need a 'kornak'⁸—a man I trust who will tell me what I can do. I am going into this like a child into the dark, and I know no one but Otto Manteuffel⁹ (Director in the Ministry of the Interior) who possesses the prerequisite training and my personal trust, but he still has reservations. If he agrees, I will go to the assembly tomorrow; if not, we must wait and find someone else. Drive over to Berlin and persuade Manteuffel." This succeeded after I spent from nine o'clock until midnight talking him into it, agreeing to inform his wife in Potsdam, and explaining the security measures taken for the ministers' personal safety at the Schauspielhaus¹⁰ and its surroundings.
Securing the Government
Early on the 7th, General von Strotha¹¹, appointed Minister of War, came to me because Brandenburg had directed him to me to clarify the situation. I did so as best I could and asked, "Are you ready?" He countered with a question: "What uniform is prescribed?" "Civilian," I replied. "I don't have one," he said. I found him a valet, and an outfit was fortunately procured from a tailor's shop before the appointed hour.
Various precautions were taken to ensure the ministers' safety. Firstly, inside the Schauspielhaus itself, besides a strong police force, approximately thirty of the best marksmen from the Guard-Jaeger Battalion were positioned so that, upon a specific signal, they could appear in the hall and galleries and cover the ministers with their highly accurate shots if they were physically threatened. It was assumed that at the first shots, those in the hall would quickly evacuate. Corresponding preparations had been made at the Schauspielhaus windows and in various buildings on Gensdarmenmarkt¹² intending to cover the ministers' retreat from the Schauspielhaus against any hostile attacks; it was assumed that even larger crowds gathered there would disperse as soon as shots were fired from various directions.
A Matter of Diplomacy and Misunderstanding
Herr von Manteuffel also pointed out that the entrance to the Schauspielhaus in the narrow Charlottenstraße there was not covered; I offered to arrange for the opposite residence of the absent Hanoverian envoy, Count Kniephausen¹³, to be occupied by the military. That night, I went to Colonel von Griesheim¹⁴ at the War Ministry, who was entrusted with the military arrangements, but he had reservations about whether an embassy could be used for such a purpose. I then sought out the Hanoverian Chargé d'affaires, Count Platen¹⁵, who resided in the house belonging to the King of Hanover under the Linden trees. He was of the opinion that the official domicile of the embassy was currently his residence under the Linden trees, and he authorised me to write to Colonel von Griesheim that he placed the apartment of "his absent friend," Count Kniephausen, at the disposal for police purposes.
Having gone to bed late, I was woken at 7 AM by a messenger from Platen, requesting my visit. I found him highly agitated because a detachment of about 100 men had marched into the courtyard of his residence — precisely where he had indicated the embassy's seat. Griesheim had probably given the order, prompted by my communication, to some official who had caused the misunderstanding. I went to him and secured the order for the detachment leader to occupy Kniephausen's apartment, which happened after daybreak, whereas the occupation of the other chosen houses had occurred secretly during the night. Perhaps the accidental appearance of open resolve led to the Gensdarmenmarkt being completely empty when the ministers went to the Schauspielhaus.
Political Decisions and the German Question
When Wrangel marched in at the head of the troops, he negotiated with the citizen militia and persuaded them to withdraw voluntarily. I considered this a political mistake; if even the smallest skirmish had occurred, Berlin would have been taken by force, not by capitulation, and the government's political standing would have been different. That the King did not immediately dissolve the National Assembly, but rather adjourned it for some time and relocated it to Brandenburg, and attempted to see if a majority could be found there to achieve a satisfactory conclusion, proves that in the political development the King might have envisioned, the assembly's role was not yet over, even then.
Some symptoms remind me that this role was conceived in the realm of the German question¹⁶. In private conversations among leading politicians during the assembly's adjournment, the German question came more to the fore than before, and within the ministry, great hopes were placed on Carlowitz of Saxony¹⁷ in this regard, whose acknowledged eloquence would work in a German-national sense. At that time, I received no direct communications from Count Brandenburg about his thoughts on the German cause. He only expressed his willingness to act with soldierly obedience to whatever the King would command. Later, in Erfurt, he spoke more openly about it with me.
Footnotes
¹ The 1848 Revolutions across German states created a highly volatile political environment, challenging traditional monarchical authority and leading to a scramble for stable governance.
² A "man of the red earth" (Mann der roten Erde) is a metaphorical term referring to someone deeply rooted in their local soil, often implying a practical, down-to-earth person more inclined towards local affairs, criticism, or opposition, rather than high-level national governance. Georg von Vincke was a prominent liberal politician from Westphalia, a region known for its "red earth" soils.
³ Hermann von Beckerath (1801–1870) was a liberal politician and banker from the Rhineland, a prominent figure in the Prussian National Assembly and the Frankfurt Parliament. He advocated for a constitutional monarchy and economic liberalism.
⁴ Friedrich Harkort (1793–1880) was a German industrialist and liberal politician, often called the "Father of the Ruhr Industry." He was a strong advocate for technical education and industrial development and played a role in the political events of 1848.
⁵ Count Friedrich Wilhelm von Brandenburg (1792–1850) was a Prussian general and statesman. He was an illegitimate son of King Frederick William II of Prussia and served as Minister President of Prussia during the tumultuous period following the 1848 Revolutions, known for his conservative stance and efforts to restore order.
⁶ General Leopold von Gerlach (1790–1861) was a prominent Prussian general and close confidant of King Frederick William IV. He belonged to the conservative faction at court and strongly influenced the King's policies, advocating for monarchical power and opposing liberal reforms.
⁷ This colourful note suggests the King's appreciation of Bismarck’s decisive albeirt authoritarian temperament. He was to be used when the time for prolonged political negotiation or compromise was over.
⁸ A 'kornak' is a Hindi term for an elephant trainer or mahout. In this context, Count Brandenburg uses it metaphorically to describe someone who can guide and direct him through complex political matters, given his admitted lack of experience in constitutional law.
⁹ Otto Theodor von Manteuffel (1805–1884) was a conservative Prussian statesman. He served as Minister of the Interior and later as Minister President of Prussia, playing a key role in the reaction against the 1848 Revolutions and the restoration of conservative rule.
¹⁰ The Schauspielhaus (now Konzerthaus Berlin) on Gendarmenmarkt was a prominent public building often used for significant political gatherings during this period.
¹¹ General Carl von Strotha (1786–1870) was a Prussian general who served as the Minister of War in Count Brandenburg's conservative ministry formed after the 1848 Revolutions. His appointment reflected the emphasis on military authority during the restoration of order.
¹² The Gensdarmenmarkt (now Gendarmenmarkt) is a historic public square in central Berlin, surrounded by significant buildings, including the Schauspielhaus, and often a site of public gatherings and political events.
¹³ Count Ernst von Kniephausen (1767–1855) was a Hanoverian diplomat. His residence, being part of an embassy, carried diplomatic immunity, making its potential use for military purposes a sensitive issue.
¹⁴ Colonel von Griesheim was a Prussian military officer involved in coordinating the security measures and troop deployments in Berlin during the 1848 revolutionary period.
¹⁵ Count Carl von Platen-Hallermund (1810–1887) was a Hanoverian diplomat and politician. At this time, he was the Chargé d'affaires for Hanover in Berlin, representing Hanoverian interests during a turbulent political period.
¹⁶ The "German question" refers to the political and territorial debates of the 19th century concerning the best way to achieve German unification — whether under Austrian or Prussian leadership, and what form the unified state should take (e.g., a "Greater Germany" including Austria or a "Lesser Germany" excluding it).
¹⁷ Hans Georg von Carlowitz (1807–1852) was a Saxon military officer and statesman who served as Minister of War during the 1849 Dresden Uprising. A staunch conservative, he played a key role in suppressing the democratic revolt, aligning with monarchical and anti-revolutionary forces during the turbulent period of the 1848–1849 revolutions in the German states.
Glossary
Schauspielhaus: A theatre and concert hall in Berlin, significant for political gatherings in the mid-19th century.
T/N Source: Bismarck, Otto Eduard Leopold: Gedanken und Erinnerungen