Send in the Tanks, said Bismarck
A continuation of Bismarck's Memoirs
One could say that in a revolution, one sees the thunderbolt before one hears it growling in the clouds, it strikes before it flames forth, matins are said before the bells are rung, the execution precedes the sentence, everything is inverted – he receives the stroke who thought to give it, dies who thought himself quite safe, suffers who never dreamed of pain; all is done at night, in obscurity, in fog and darkness.
Something to keep in mind these days, when internet algorithms mean that we only receive one side of events during any upheaval.
The first news of the events of 18 and 19 March 1848¹ reached me at the house of my neighbour, Count von Wartensleben on Karow². Several ladies from Berlin had sought refuge there. At first, I felt less concern for the political significance of the events than for the outrage over the murder of our soldiers in the streets. Politically, I thought, the King would soon regain control if he were only free. I saw the immediate task as freeing the King, who I believed was in the power of the insurgents.
On the 20th, the farmers in Schönhausen reported that deputies had arrived from Tangermünde, about three-quarters of a mile away. They demanded that, as had happened in their own town, we hoist the black-red-gold flag³ on the church tower. They threatened to return with reinforcements if we refused. I asked the farmers if they were willing to resist. They answered with a unanimous and spirited Yes!, and I advised them to drive the townsfolk out of the village. This was done with eager participation from the women. I then had a white flag with a black cross, shaped like the Iron Cross, hoisted on the tower. I also checked the available guns and ammunition in the village. Around fifty farmers' hunting rifles were found. I myself owned about twenty, including antique ones. I sent mounted messengers to Jerichow and Rathenow for powder. [Levels of freedom to make an American weep!]
Then I drove with my wife to surrounding villages. I found the farmers enthusiastically willing to march to Berlin to help the King. Old Deichschulze (Dike Warden) Krause in Neuermark was particularly eager. He had been a sergeant in my father's regiment, the Carabiniers. Only my closest neighbour sympathised with the Berlin movement. He accused me of throwing a firebrand into the countryside. He declared that if the farmers actually prepared to march, he would step in and incite them against it. I replied, "You know I am a calm man, but if you do that, I will shoot you down." "You won't do that," he said. "I give you my word of honour," I retorted, "and you know I keep it, so don't do that."
I first went to Potsdam alone. At the station, I saw Herr von Bodelschwingh, who had been Minister of the Interior until the 19th. He clearly wished not to be seen talking to me, the 'reactionary'. He returned my greeting by saying, “Ne me parlez pas” (Do not speak to me). "Les paysans se lèvent chez nous," (The peasants are rising in our area) I replied. "Pour le Roi?" (For the King?) he asked. "Oui." (Yes.) "This tightrope walker," he said, pressing his hands to his tearful eyes. In the town, on the Plantage (parade ground) by the Garrison Church, I found a bivouac of the Guard Infantry. I spoke to the men. I found them bitter about the ordered retreat and eager for a new fight. On the way back along the canal, spy-like civilians followed me. They had sought contact with the troops and directed threatening words at me. I had four shots in my pocket but did not need them. I stopped at my friend Roon's place. He lived in a few rooms in the City Palace as tutor to Prince Friedrich Karl⁴. At the "Deutsches Haus" (German House), I visited Generals von Möllendorf and von Prittwitz. Möllendorf was still stiff from the ill-treatment he had suffered while negotiating with the insurgents. Prittwitz had commanded in Berlin. I described the mood of the rural population to them. In turn, they gave me details about the events up to the morning of the 19th. Their reports and later news from Berlin only strengthened my conviction that the King was not free.
Prittwitz, who was older than me and judged more calmly, said, "Don't send us peasants, we don't need them. We have enough soldiers. Send us potatoes and grain instead, perhaps money too, for I don't know if there will be enough provision for the troops' supplies and pay. If reinforcements arrived, I would receive and have to carry out the order from Berlin to repel them." "Then get the King out!" I said. He replied, "That would not be very difficult. I am strong enough to take Berlin, but then we would have fighting again. What can we do after the King has ordered us to take on the role of the defeated? Without an order, I cannot attack."
Given this state of affairs, I considered obtaining an order to act from another source, since one was not to be expected from the unfree King. I sought to reach the Prince of Prussia⁶. I was directed to the Princess, whose consent was necessary. I announced myself to her to find out her husband's whereabouts (he was on the Pfaueninsel⁵, as I later learned). She received me in a servant's room on the mezzanine, sitting on a fir chair. She refused the requested information and declared in lively agitation that it was her duty to protect her son's rights. What she said was based on the assumption that the King and her husband could not hold their positions. It suggested the idea of her assuming the regency during her son's minority.
Georg von Vincke made formal overtures to me to gain the cooperation of the Right in the chambers for this purpose. Since I could not reach the Prince of Prussia, I made an attempt with Prince Friedrich Karl. I presented to him how necessary it was for the royal house to maintain contact with the army and, if His Majesty was not free, to act for his cause even without the King's order. He replied with great emotion that while my idea appealed to him greatly, he felt too young to carry it out. He could not follow the example of the students who were meddling in politics; he was no older than they were. I then decided to attempt to reach the King.
Prince Karl gave me the following open letter in Potsdam Palace as legitimation and a pass:
[Überbringer – mir wohlbekannt – hat den Auftrag, sich bei[25] Sr. Majestät meinem Allergnädigsten Bruder persönlich nach Höchstdessen Gesundheit zu erkundigen und mir Nachricht zu bringen, aus welchem Grunde mir seit 30 Stunden auf meine wiederholten eigenh. Anfragen „ob ich nicht nach Berlin kommen dürfe“ keine Antwort ward.
Potsdam 21. Maerz 1848
1 Uhr N.M.
Carl, Prinz v. Preußen.]
The bearer – well known to me – is instructed to inquire in person with His Majesty my Most Gracious Brother as to His Highness's health and to bring me word as to why, for 30 hours, I have received no answer to my repeated handwritten enquiries "whether I may not come to Berlin".
Potsdam 21 March 1848
1 p.m.
Carl, Prince of Prussia.
I travelled to Berlin. Known to many prominent people from the United Diet⁷, I had considered it advisable to shave off my beard and put on a broad hat with a colourful cockade. I was wearing a frock coat for the hoped-for audience. At the station exit, a bowl was placed with a request for donations for the barricade fighters. Beside it stood a tall Bürgerwehrmann (civic guardsman) with his musket on his shoulder. A cousin of mine, whom I had met on alighting, took out his purse. "You won't give anything for the murderers," I said. When he threw a warning look at me, I added, "And you won't fear the 'cow's foot'?"⁸ I had already recognised Kammergerichtsrath (Judge of the Chamber Court) Meier, my friend, in the guard. He turned around angrily at "cow's foot" and then exclaimed, "Bismarck? What do you look like! A fine mess here!"
The civic guard in the palace asked me what I wanted there. When I replied that I had a letter from Prince Karl for the King, the guard, regarding me with suspicious glances, said that could not be. The Prince was just with the King. The former must, therefore, have left Potsdam before me. The guard demanded to see the letter I had. I showed it, as it was open and the content harmless, and they let me go, but not into the palace. In the Meinhard hotel, downstairs, a doctor I knew was sitting at the window. I went in to him. There I wrote to the King what I had intended to tell him. I went with the letter to Prince Bogislaw Radziwill. He had free access and could hand it to the King. Among other things, it stated that the revolution was limited to large cities and that the King would be master of the country as soon as he left Berlin. The King did not reply. However, he later told me that he had carefully kept the poorly written letter on bad paper as the first sign of sympathy he had received at that time.
As I walked through the streets to see the traces of the fighting, a stranger whispered to me, "Do you know you are being followed?" Another stranger whispered to me under the Linden trees, "Come with me." I followed him into Kleine Mauerstraße, where he said, "Leave, or you will be arrested." "Do you know me?" I asked. "Yes," he replied, "You are Herr von Bismarck." From what side the danger threatened me, and from what side the warning came, I never learned. The stranger left me quickly. A street boy called after me, "Kiek, dat is och en Franzos," (Look, that's also a Frenchman) an expression I was reminded of by many later enquiries. My long, unshaven chin beard, the floppy hat, and frock coat had given the boy an exotic impression. The streets were empty, no carriages visible. Only a few groups on foot, in blouses and with flags. One of these groups in Friedrichstraße was escorting a barricade hero, crowned with laurel, to some ovation.
My kingdom . . . for a reliable cavalry corp.
Not because of the warning, but because I found no scope for action in Berlin, I returned to Potsdam that same day. I discussed the possibility of independent action once more with the two Generals, Möllendorf and Prittwitz. "How are we supposed to start?" said Prittwitz. I strummed the infantry attack march on the opened piano beside me. Möllendorf, in tears and stiff with pain from his wounds, fell around my neck and exclaimed, "If only you could arrange that for us!" "I cannot," I replied. "But if you do it without orders, what can happen to you? The country will thank you, and eventually the King will too." Prittwitz: "Can you give me certainty as to whether Wrangel and Hedemann will join in? We cannot add discord to the army on top of insubordination." I promised to investigate this. I would go to Magdeburg myself and send a trusted person to Stettin to sound out the two commanding generals. From Stettin came General von Wrangel's reply: "What Prittwitz does, I will do too." I myself was less fortunate in Magdeburg. I only managed to reach General von Hedemann's adjutant at first, a young major to whom I confided my plan and who expressed his sympathy. However, after a short time, he came to me at the hotel and asked me to leave immediately. This would spare me an unpleasantness and the old general an embarrassment. He intended to have me arrested for high treason. The Oberpräsident (Chief President) von Bonin, the highest political authority in the province at the time, had issued a proclamation stating: "A revolution has broken out in Berlin; I will take a position above the parties." This "pillar of the throne" later became a minister and held high and influential offices. General Hedemann belonged to the Humboldt circle¹³.
Having returned to Schönhausen, I tried to explain to the farmers that an armed march to Berlin is not feasible, but thereby came under suspicion of having been infected by the revolutionary madness in Berlin. I therefore made the proposal, which was accepted, that deputies from Schönhausen and other villages should travel with me to Potsdam to see for themselves and to speak with General von Prittwitz, perhaps even the Prince of Prussia. When we reached Potsdam station on the 25th, the King had just arrived there and had been received by a large crowd in a benevolent mood. I said to my peasant companions: "There is the King, I will introduce you to him, speak with him." But they anxiously refused and quickly withdrew to the back rows. I greeted the King respectfully, he thanked me without recognizing me, and drove to the palace. I followed him and heard the address he gave to the officers of the Guard Corps in the Marble Hall there. At the words: "I have never been freer and safer than under the protection of my citizens" a murmuring and scraping of sabre scabbards arose⁹, such as a King of Prussia will never have heard among his officers and, hopefully, never will hear again.
With wounded feelings, I returned to Schönhausen.
The memory of the conversation which I had had in Potsdam with Lieutenant General von Prittwitz caused me, in May, to address the following letter to him, co-signed by my friends in the Schönhausen area:
"Everyone in whose breast beats a Prussian heart has surely, like us the undersigned, read with indignation the attacks of the press. In the first weeks after 19 March, the Royal Troops were subjected to these attacks as a reward for having faithfully fulfilled their duty in the fight and for having given an unsurpassed example of military discipline and self-denial during their ordered retreat. If the press has observed a more fitting attitude for some time now, the reason for this among the party that dominates it lies less in a correct understanding of the facts that has since come to them, than in the rapid movement of recent events pushing the impression of the older ones into the background, and in giving the appearance of wanting to forgive the troops their earlier actions because of their latest deeds¹⁰.
Even among the rural population, who received the first news of the Berlin events with barely containable bitterness, the distortions are beginning to gain consistency. These have been spread from all sides and without any significant contradiction, partly by the press, partly by the emissaries working on the people during the elections, so that well-meaning people among the rural population already believe that it cannot be entirely without reason that the Berlin street fight was deliberately brought about by the troops, with or without the knowledge and will of the much-maligned heir to the throne, in order to snatch back the concessions that the King had made to the people. Hardly anyone still wants to believe in a preparation on the other side, in a systematic working on the people. We fear that this lie, at least in the consciousness of the lower strata of the population, will become history for a long time to come, if it is not countered by detailed accounts, supported by evidence, of the true course of events, and that as soon as possible, since given the entirely unpredictable course of time, new events could occur today and tomorrow which would claim the attention of the public to such an extent that explanations about the past would no longer find a response.
In our opinion, it would have the most significant influence on the political views of the population if they could be somewhat enlightened about the impure source of the Berlin movement, as well as about the fact that the fight of the March heroes to achieve the pretended aim, namely the defence of the constitutional institutions promised by His Majesty, was unnecessary. Your Excellency, as the commander of the glorious troops who were active in those events, are in our opinion particularly called upon and in a position to bring the truth about them to light in a convincing manner. The conviction of how important this will be for our fatherland and how much the glory of the army would gain from it must serve as our excuse if we ask Your Excellency so urgently as respectfully to have a precise account of the Berlin events from the military standpoint, insofar as service considerations permit, and provided with evidence, handed over to the public as soon as possible."
General von Prittwitz did not respond to this suggestion. Only on 18 March 1891 did Lieutenant General (ret.) von Meyerinck provide an account for the purpose I indicated in the supplement to the "Militär-Wochenblatt" (Military Weekly Journal), unfortunately so late that precisely the most important witnesses, namely the Flügeladjutanten Edwin von Manteuffel and Count Oriola, had since died.
As a contribution to the history of the March days, conversations which I had some weeks after the same with persons who sought me out are recorded here. They regarded me as a confidant of the conservatives. Some came to express themselves justifying their behaviour before and on 18 March, others to communicate to me the observations they had made. Police President von Minutoli complained that he was being accused of having foreseen the uprising and having done nothing to prevent it, and denied that any striking symptoms had come to his knowledge. To my rejoinder that I had been told by eyewitnesses in Genthin that during the days before the 18th, foreign-looking men, mostly speaking Polish, some openly carrying weapons with them, others with heavy pieces of luggage, had passed through heading in the direction of Berlin, Minutoli recounted that Minister von Bodelschwingh had summoned him in mid-March and expressed concern about the prevailing fermentation; thereupon he had led him to a meeting in front of the tents¹⁴. After Bodelschwingh had listened to the speeches given there, he had said: "The people speak quite reasonably, I thank you, you have saved me from a foolish act." Problematic for the evaluation of Minutoli was his popularity in the next few days after the street fight. It was unnatural for a police president as a result of an uprising.
General von Prittwitz, who had commanded the troops around the palace, also sought me out and told me that the withdrawal of the same had happened as follows: After the proclamation "To my dear Berliners" had become known to him, he had broken off the engagement, but kept the palace square, the armoury (Zeughaus), and the adjacent streets occupied for the protection of the palace. Then Bodelschwingh had approached him with the demand: "The palace square must be cleared." "That is impossible," he had answered, "with that I abandon the King." Thereupon Bodelschwingh: "The King has ordered in his proclamation that all 'public squares'¹¹ shall be cleared; is the palace square a public square or not? I am still Minister, and 'I have certainly learned by heart' what I have to do as such. I demand that you clear the palace square."
"What," Prittwitz concluded his communication, "what else should I have done upon that but march off?" "I would," I replied, "have considered it most appropriate to order a non-commissioned officer: 'Take this civilian into custody.'" Prittwitz replied: "When one comes from the town hall, one is always wiser. You judge as a politician; I acted exclusively as a soldier on the instruction of the minister in charge, who relied on a signed most high proclamation." – From another side I have heard that Prittwitz broke off this his last outdoor conversation with Bodelschwingh by thrusting his sword into the scabbard, blue-red with anger, and then muttered the challenge that Götz von Berlichingen shouts to the Imperial Commissioner through the window¹⁵. Then he turned his horse to the left and rode away through the palace grounds silently and at a walk. Asked about the whereabouts of the troops by an officer sent from the palace, he replied bitingly: "They have slipped through my fingers now that everyone interferes"¹⁴.
I have heard the following from officers in His Majesty's immediate entourage. They sought out the King, who was momentarily not to be found because he had withdrawn for natural reasons. When he reappeared and was asked: "Have Your Majesty ordered the troops to march off?" the King replied: "No." – "But they are already marching off," said the adjutant and led the King to a window. The palace square was black with civilians, behind whom the last bayonets of the withdrawing soldiers could still be seen. "That I did not order, that cannot be," cried the King and had the expression of dismay and indignation.
About Prince Lichnowski¹⁶ I was told that he alternately spread intimidating news upstairs in the palace about the weakness of the troops, lack of provisions and ammunition, and downstairs on the square urged the insurgents in German and Polish to hold out, saying that courage had been lost upstairs.
¹ 18 and 19 March 1848: These dates mark the peak of the March Revolution in Berlin. Following large demonstrations demanding liberal reforms, shots were fired in front of the Berlin Palace on the 18th, leading to violent street fighting between citizens and the Prussian military. Barricades were erected throughout the city. On the 19th, King Frederick William IV ordered the troops to withdraw, leaving the city temporarily under the control of the revolutionaries. These events resulted in hundreds of deaths and forced the King to make significant concessions, including promising a constitution.
² Karow: This refers to the estate (Gut) of Count von Wartensleben, located near Bismarck's own family estate in Schönhausen, in the region roughly between Jerichow and Genthin.
³ Black-red-gold flag: These were the colours of the liberal and nationalist movements in Germany during the 1840s and the 1848 revolution. They symbolised unity and freedom. This flag is now the national flag of modern Germany.
⁴ Prince Friedrich Karl: (1828-1885) A nephew of King Frederick William IV and the future King William I. Around 20 years old in 1848, he was already pursuing a military career. Albrecht von Roon served as his tutor and mentor during his youth and military training, explaining Bismarck's description of Roon as his "Mentor".
⁵ The Pfaueninsel: (Peacock Island) A scenic island in the Havel River between Potsdam and Berlin. It was a royal retreat featuring a pleasure palace and parkland. The Prince of Prussia's presence here during the unrest suggests he may have sought refuge or a secure location outside the immediate turmoil in the cities.
⁶ Prince of Prussia: This refers to Prince Wilhelm, the future King Wilhelm I of Prussia and later German Emperor. As the King's younger brother and heir presumptive (the King had no children), he was seen by some as a potential leader for suppressing the revolution. He was widely unpopular with liberals for his conservative views and perceived role in the suppression of the Berlin uprising.
⁷ United Diet (Vereinigter Landtag): An assembly of representatives from the provincial diets of Prussia, convened by King Frederick William IV in 1847. It was intended to secure loans but became a platform for liberal and nationalistic demands, contributing to the tensions leading to the 1848 revolution.
⁸ "Cow's foot": The term "Kuhfuß" (literally cow's foot) refers to a crowbar or similar tool, likely symbolising the actions of the revolutionaries in dismantling structures or erecting barricades during the uprising.
⁹ Murmuring and scraping of sabre scabbards: This act by the officers demonstrated their strong disapproval and resentment of the King's conciliatory words towards the citizens who had recently fought against them. It was a powerful, silent protest against the King's perceived weakness and abandonment of the military.
¹⁰ Recent deeds: This likely refers to the army's actions after the initial withdrawal, possibly related to restoring order outside Berlin or other military movements that the press might have praised, contrasting them with their actions during the barricade fighting.
¹¹ "Public squares": The King's proclamation following the fighting on March 18 ordered the withdrawal of troops from Berlin's public spaces. This concession was a major victory for the revolutionaries, but deeply resented by the military who felt they had been capable of suppressing the uprising. Minister Bodelschwingh's insistence that the Palace Square qualified as a "public square" forced the military to relinquish control of a key strategic location.
¹² The Humboldt circle: This refers to the influential intellectual and social network surrounding the renowned brothers Wilhelm (scholar, diplomat, founder of the University of Berlin) and Alexander von Humboldt (naturalist, explorer). Their circles in Berlin attracted leading figures in science, arts, and liberal thought, holding considerable but informal influence in Prussian society.
¹³ Meeting in front of the tents: This likely refers to political gatherings or assemblies taking place outdoors in Berlin, possibly near the Tiergarten where temporary structures or tents might have been erected. These meetings were venues for public speeches and discussions reflecting the heated political atmosphere before the revolution.
¹⁴ "They have slipped through my fingers now that everyone interferes": This bitter remark by General Prittwitz reflects his frustration as a military commander whose authority was undermined by political interference and the King's concessions. The phrase "where everyone interferes" or "where everyone has a say" (wo Alle mitreden) highlights his view that civilian involvement and political confusion hampered effective military action.
¹⁵ Götz von Berlichingen: A historical German knight (1480-1562) known for his defiance. He is immortalised in Goethe's play "Götz von Berlichingen," where he famously tells an imperial messenger to "kiss my arse" (er kann mich im Arsche lecken). Bismarck's reference implies Prittwitz's extreme frustration and contempt for Bodelschwingh's interference.
¹⁶ Prince Lichnowski: This refers to Prince Felix Lichnowsky (1814-1848), a conservative Prussian politician and cavalry officer. He was a member of the Frankfurt National Assembly in 1848. Bismarck's account portrays him as an ambiguous figure during the Berlin uprising, seemingly playing a double game between the palace and the revolutionaries. Lichnowsky was later killed by an angry mob in Frankfurt in September 1848 during unrelated revolutionary unrest there, highlighting the volatile political climate of the time. His family's origins in Silesia/Moravia likely explain his ability to speak Polish.
Glossary:
Deichschulze: Dike Warden; a local official responsible for the maintenance of dikes.
Bürgerwehrmann: Civic Guardsman; a member of the citizen militia formed during the revolution.
Kammergerichtsrath: Judge of the Chamber Court; a judicial official.
Militär-Wochenblatt: Military Weekly Journal; a publication focused on military affairs.
Flügeladjutanten: Aide-de-camps; personal assistants to a high-ranking officer or monarch.
Oberpräsident: Chief President; the highest administrative official in a Prussian province.
Gut / Rittergut: Estate or Knightly Estate; a landed property, often associated with the nobility.
Zeughaus: Armoury; a building for storing weapons and military equipment.
Plantage: Parade Ground; a military drill or assembly area.
Source: Bismarck, Otto Eduard Leopold: Gedanken und Erinnerungen. Stuttgart 1959